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The man of the year

Guy Verhofstadt
Mr. Guy Verhofstadt

The man of the year
L'homme de l'an
De man van het jaar
2009


A proven Democrat, protector and fighter for justice and human rights in the World.

Een bewezen Democraat, beschermer en strijder voor rechtvaardigheid en mensenrechten in de Wereld.

Un prouvé démocrate, protecteur et combattant pour la justice et des droits de l'homme dans le Mond.

Eine bewährte Demokrat, Beschützer und Kämpfer für Gerechtigkeit und Menschenrechte in der Welt.

Dokazani demokrat,
 zaštitnik i borac za pravdu i ljudska prava u Svijetu.




The man of the year

Guarantee
Peace in the World


Mr. Barak Hossein Obama

The man of the year
L'homme de l'an
De man van het jaar
2012


Guarantee
peace in the world

Garantie
vrede in de wereld

Garantie
la paix dans le monde

Garantie des Friedens in der Welt

Zabezpečenie
mieru vo svete

Garancija
mira u svijetu





Murray Hunter
University Malaysia Perlis



Perpetual Self conflict: Self awareness as a key to our ethical drive, personal mastery, and perception of entrepreneurial opportunities.
Murray Hunter




The Continuum of Psychotic Organisational Typologies
Murray Hunter




There is no such person as an entrepreneur, just a person who acts entrepreneurially
Murray Hunter




Groupthink may still be a hazard to your organization - Murray Hunter



Generational Attitudes and Behaviour - Murray Hunter



The environment as a multi-dimensional system: Taking off your rose coloured glasses - Murray Hunter



Imagination may be more important than knowledge: The eight types of imagination we use - Murray Hunter



Do we have a creative intelligence? - Murray Hunter



Not all opportunities are the same: A look at the four types of entrepreneurial opportunity - Murray Hunter



   The Evolution of Business Strategy - Murray Hunter



How motivation really works - Murray Hunter



Evaluating Entrepreneurial Opportunities: What’s wrong with SWOT? - Murray Hunter



 The five types of thinking we use - Murray Hunter



Where do entrepreneurial opportunities come from? - Murray Hunter



  How we create new ideas - Murray Hunter



How emotions influence, how we see the world? - Murray Hunter



People tend to start businesses for the wrong reasons - Murray Hunter



One Man, Multiple Inventions: The lessons and legacies of Thomas Edison - Murray Hunte


   
Does Intrapreneurship exist in Asia? - Murray Hunter



 What’s with all the hype – a look at aspirational marketing - Murray Hunter



   Integrating the philosophy of Tawhid – an Islamic approach to organization - Murray Hunter



Samsara and the Organization - Murray Hunter



Do Confucian Principled Businesses Exist in Asia? - Murray Hunter



 Knowledge, Understanding and the God Paradigm - Murray Hunter



On Some of the Misconceptions about Entrepreneurship - Murray Hunter




How feudalism hinders community transformation and economic evolution: Isn’t equal opportunity a basic human right? - Murray Hunter



The Dominance of “Western” Management Theories in South-East Asian Business Schools: The occidental colonization of the mind. - Murray Hunter



Ethics, Sustainability and the New Realities - Murray Hunter



The Arrival of Petroleum, Rockefeller, and the Lessons He taught Us - Murray Hunter - University Malaysia Perlis



 Elite educators idolize the “ high flying entrepreneurs” while deluded about the realities of entrepreneurship for the masses: - Murray Hunter



Lessons from the Invention of the airplane and the Beginning of the Aviation Era - Murray Hunter



Missed Opportunities for ASEAN if the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) fails to start up in 2015 - Murray Hunter



From Europe, to the US, Japan, and onto China: The evolution of the automobile - Murray Hunter




ASEAN Nations need indigenous innovation to transform their economies but are doing little about it. - Murray Hunter



Do Asian Management Paradigms Exist? A look at four theoretical frames - Murray Hunter



Surprise, surprise: An Islam economy can be innovative - Murray Hunter



Australia in the "Asian Century" or is it Lost in Asia? - Murray Hunter



Australia "Do as I say, not as I do" - The ongoing RBA bribery scandal - Murray Hunter


 
Entrepreneurship and economic growth? South-East Asian governments are developing policy on the misconception that entrepreneurship creates economic growth. - Murray Hunter



Hillary to Julia "You take India and I'll take Pakistan", while an ex-Aussie PM says "Enough is enough with the US" - Murray Hunter



 



Malaysia: Why the Pakatan Rakyat does not deserve to be the Federal Government

Murray Hunter

Murray HunterThe last general election is almost six months behind us where the narratives of Malaysian politics have been defined. The Pakatan Rakyat (PR) may have won the popular vote in the last election, leading some to believe that the opposition coalition is owed a moral mandate. However under a "first past the post" electoral system, the game is about winning seats, not aggregate votes.

The Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) has ruled Kelantan well for many years within the social and cultural contexts of the state, and has shown it understands the aspirations of the Kelantanese. Selangor has been prudently run as a corporation by PKR's Abdul Khalid Ibrahim, and Penang's finances have been restructured with great fiscal skill, where industrial investment has been revived through relentless promotion by the Democratic Action Party's (DAP) Lim Guan Eng.

However, even with these achievements, the PR does not have the pedigree needed to form a federal government.

Many inconsistencies and weaknesses within the PR exist. As a multi-dimensional party, PAS does not speak with a unified voice. The DAP has shown its failure to provide ideologically sound and loyal candidates for political office, causing the downfall of one state government. The coming DAP party election in Penang shows the mad scramble for positions of influence among party stalwarts. To date, the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) has shown itself to be opportunistic, with very little in the way of its own thought out ideological based policies. In fact some of its views like the one on salary hikes for politicians are even contradictory.

The culmination of these problems, the failure to take tactical initiatives, and electoral blunders have cost the Pakatan Rakyat the grand prize of Malaysian politics, the federal Government.

Prime Minister Najib Razak has been grossly unappreciated for his job of holding the line for UMNO in the recent election. He was written off before the election by so many pundits, who expected great losses. Many felt there was a real possibility of Terengganu and Negeri Sembilan falling to the PR. Perak was expected to be won back by the PR. However Najib held all these states and took back Kedah as well.

We will never be sure whether it was Najib's strategic brilliance or Anwar's strategic blundering that made the final result what it was.


Prof. Murray Hunter,
He has been involved in Asia-Pacific business for the last 30 years as an entrepreneur, consultant, academic, and researcher. Murray is now an associate professor at the University Malaysia Perlis. He'd been also a visiting professor at a number of universities and regular speaker at conferences and workshops in the region. Murray is the author of a number of books, numerous research and conceptual papers in referred journals, and commentator on the issues of entrepreneurship and development in a number of magazines and online news sites around the world. Read other articles by Murray.
 

The taking back of Terengganu from PAS by the in 2004 and the recent return of Kedah to the Barisan Nasional (BN) indicates that voters won't accept incompetence by any PR government, although they may not apply the same standard to the BN. The taking of Kedah by former PM Mahathir Mohamed's son Mukhriz Mahathir, will be extremely difficult to reverse next election.

The PR, and in particular the PKR has made a major blunder in Sabah. PKR wants to run candidates under its own banner rather than work with the existing opposition forces in the state, leading to a number of three cornered fights. As a result, the opposition is divided into a number of groups which played straight into the hands of UMNO's strong man and Chief Minister Musa Aman, allowing UMNO to dominate the state's political landscape. This cost the opposition forces four federal and eight state assembly seats. In addition PKR itself seems to be disintegrating in the state where between 8-12 leaders have quit the party over the last few days.

Although the DAP has made inroads into the towns of Sarawak, the rural regions of the state remain the bastion of the Taib Mahmud's Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Besatu (PBB) dominated Government. The PR appears to have grossly underestimated the political mastery and respect Taib Mahmud carries in the rural heartlands of Sarawak. He has the qualities of a leader, rather than the administrative mold of many other national leaders, making him a very strong adversary. It's not the work of PR that has made small inroads into PBB support, but rather the work of Radio free Sarawak and other independent local activists.

In both Sabah and Sarawak, it is difficult to see where the PR can make future gains unless it can change its understanding of the political dynamics of both states. From the "rakyat" or peoples' perspective this maybe even more difficult as PAS, PKR, and DAP are considered by many as "peninsula-centric", as Lim Kit Siang himself said in a recent article on his blog.

Sabah and Sarawak are mathematically critical in deciding which side of politics forms the federal government.

In the last election campaign, the PR focused on preaching to the converted. This didn't win new voters. The inroads into Johor were good for the PR, but city campaigns with perhaps the exception of Anwar's daughter Nurul Izzah' in Lembah Pantai where she was challenged by the then UMNO Federal territories minister Raja Nong Chik Zainal Abidin were largely wasted efforts. If the Pakatan leaders had not run the mass rallies in Johor, conveying a syok sendiri or chauvinist manner, the UMNO rhetoric after the election may have been much more conciliatory and inclusive than the current divisive narrative coming out of the party.

Many perceive the PKR to be a dynasty with husband, wife, and daughter holding high profile positions. This is one reason why the Azmin Ali influence is so strong within the party, to the point of being bitterly divisive. His recent comments over the pay increase announced for Selangor law makers make Azmin look more like an opposition leader in Selangor than a member of the government.

There is more to Azmin Ali's antics than just naked ambition. He has a point that many in the party agree with. One Sabah PKR leader Jelani Hamden upon his resignation from the party a couple of days ago said that there was too much central control. This is a rift that could paralyze the party, particularly when the rank and file membership are needed on the ground during elections.

The current disagreement about how funds in treasury funds in Selangor should be utilized show the policy malaise of PKR.

There is also a wider dimension to policy issues where the PR has not been able to deal with the issue of Hudud and an Islamic state. The concept of an Islamic state is ill explained. The issue could have been easily resolved through adopting the concept of governance through Islamic principals rather than going all out for an Islamic state.

The best advantage for UMNO is for PAS to continue focusing on Hudud. For as long as PAS promotes Hudud, UMNO will stay in power.

It's time for the PR to eradicate "ego" from the coalition leadership and make a serious attempt to regroup under a new guard for the next election. To do that would shed the usual suspects of the PR to allow a new vanguard of Malaysian politicians to emerge who are younger and more energetic than the BN. This doesn't mean that the old guard of Anwar Ibrahim, Lim kit Siang and Singh withdraw totally, but rather give others "room to move" in the generational transition.

The best thing for the PKR might be Anwar declaring that he had no more ambition to become PM and stand aside. This would go a long way in winning over voters who mistrust his intentions. As long as Anwar clings to the hope of one day becoming PM, the PR is doomed to remain in opposition. The myth that Anwar is a vote winner must be overturned. His immense international popularity doesn't equate to winning new voters within Malaysia.

When looking closely at PAS, there is an almost perpetual struggle going on between the Ulama and the professionals, technocrats, Anwaristas, and other progressives within the party. Occasionally members of the Ulama within PAS will make pronouncements which lead to many voters developing a fear of the party due to its interpretation of Islam. This costs PAS votes as Malays tend to be very moderate relative to many other Islamic societies. This however has generally been kept in check by leaders like Nik Aziz and Mat Sabu over the last few years.

According to PAS research director Dr. Dzulkefly Ahmad, PAS needs to woo the Malay youth and women voters. The youth vote is growing massively and changing the dynamics of elections, and PAS currently only holds around 40% of the Malay vote, being only 35% among women. UMNO's power house during elections is its women's division UMNO Wanita. If PAS is going to grow its electoral support, it must connect with the women and younger generation.

Currently PAS is good at preaching to the converted. However its electoral support within the Malay heartland is on the decline. This electoral decline lost Kedah and failed in enabling the PR to retake Perak. Even in the stronghold of Kelantan, PAS lost six seats although it continues to govern the state. Ironically PAS won in the multi-ethnic areas as a beneficiary of the PR coalition. PAS needs to make up this deficit if the PR is to have any chance of taking over the federal government.

PAS also needs to inspire the multi-ethnic electorate to maintain the support it has gained. Hudud is not going to help with any of these demographics. Many mistake Hudud for Islam because of PAS insistence on the issue. Sometimes PAS mistakes being Arabic for being Islamic which looks frightening to many voters, particularly the urban Malay youth. People don't vote for PAS because of Islam, but rather their dislike for the BN. A vote for PAS is not necessarily a vote for the ideals of the party.

The PAS philosophy that has been so successful in Kelantan cannot be translated nationally. The long premiership of Nik Aziz can be considered an extraordinary example of a leader who had special qualities and was able to appeal to the emotions and aspirations of the Kelantan people. PAS success in Kelantan has little national correlation.

With Terengganu and Kedah loses, PAS still has to prove that it can govern.

The rumors of PAS-UMNO talks, fueled by a recent meeting between Kelantan MB Ahmad Yakob and Prime Minister Najib Razak continue to undermine and bring insecurity to the PR, especially when at the closing of the recent PAS general Assembly, President Abdul Hadi Awang did not rule out the possibility of discussions.

As we have seen, policy has very little to do with who governs. It's about emotion and sentiment. It's not about exposing corruption and incompetence, but rather making people in rural Malaysia understand the difference between political parties and government. Otherwise the BN will always be the government and the PR be the opposition. It's also about realizing that those who will be the ones that decide who will be the next government in Putra Jaya are not middle class professionals in the cities but Pakchik and Makchik (Moms & Pops) in the rural areas. This is Perak, much of Johor, Pahang, Terengganu, Negeri Sembilan, Perlis, Sabah, Sarawak, and Kedah, which PR lost in the last election.

Most political analysts in Westminster systems would argue that governments lose elections rather than oppositions win them. However the Malaysian context may be different where the opposition needs to win the confidence and trust of the rural electorate. The major problem here is that most rural people don't know any other type of government. Issues such as the separation of party and state are difficult for many to understand. One of the beliefs that many Malays hold is that opposing UMNO is opposing the government. Many rural people have been brought up with the belief that only UMNO can protect their religion, way of life, and against Chinese economic domination.

As mentioned, PAS hasn't sold Islam well in a multi-cultural society with the "Hudud" issue. Part of the reason UMNO has returned to the ultra Malay narrative and taken a strong "Islamic" stance is UMNO's feeling that it must compete with PAS to show it is the party with the best credentials to look after "Malay interests". Consequently the current "Hudud" law project has isolated Islam from the wider concept of Tawhid. Islamic proclamations and the strong stances we are witnessing are not benefitting the progression of Islam within Malaysia. If PAS presented a more balanced Islamic world view, UMNO would have much greater room to move into the middle ground.

The PR agenda has a massive influence on the behavior of the government. If the PR was truly concerned about the consequences of its own political rhetoric, the leadership may consider changing approach, which no doubt would also benefit them electorally.

Anwar's "September 16" and Twitter message on election night that "PR has won the election" are difficult in being seen as constructive. Many perceive Anwar to be driven by ambition, hate, and a sense of revenge. His pledge to retire if PR didn't win the election has lost him credibility.

There is a segment of the population who have become disillusioned with the PR over a number of issues. Anwar's antics, internal struggles, a potential political dynasty, lack of policy direction, and basic mistrust is keeping the PR from winning the federal election. if the PR wants to win, they must take a hard inward look, rather than blame their loss on phantom voters.

Blaming others is just too easy, rather than recognizing one's own short comings. If DAP state assemblyman Hee Yit Foong didn't defect, the PR Perak state Government may have run its full term. If the former Kedah Chief Minister did things differently, the last election result may have been different. If PKR left Sabah politics to the Sabahans and admitted Sabah parties into the coalition, great inroads would have been made.

Within the current stance, victory for the PR at the next election looks bleak. The members of the PR need to go back to the drawing board and return to the electorate with consistent and united policies and most of all learn how to engage rural communities. It is therefore not the alternative media that will be most important but the rural JKKKK committees, which is still the proven secret weapon of the BN.

In politics it doesn't matter what foreigners think of the present Malaysian Government, or Anwar Ibrahim for that matter. It doesn't matter whether there is electoral fraud or not. Elections are not about the moral high-grounds or even what the majority wants. What matters is knowing the land you are playing on and wining the competition by the rules that exist. Otherwise a tired and scandal laden government would have long been tossed out of office.

In Malaysia the winner takes all.

Without any shadow cabinet, the PR is not an opposition, but rather a bunch of non-government members of parliament. BN representatives in the Senate are asking better questions than the PR are asking in the lower house.

Unlike the post 2008 election period, the Malaysian electorate appears to be "burnt out" and has given up expectation and yearning for change. It's now very much suppressed. This is where the BN is likely to make up lost ground next election as the wave of change has reached the peak and will gently subside.

The PR urgently needs good strategists whose opinions are listened to. The PR must advance from being a one man crusade to becoming a true multi-dimensional coalition with a wide and varied intellectual input and consistent message.


29.11.2013



How Australia is Spying on its own

The Australian security state is collecting intelligence on an Orwellian scale never seen before

Murray Hunter


Through rapid technology advances the Australian security apparatus has grown to an Orwellian scale. This has not necessarily been at the design of any elected government but something the Australian bureaucracy was forthright in promoting.

The executive government has only superficial control over the Australian surveillance system. It is fully integrated with the NSA apparatus which immediately brings up an issue about sovereignty. This is not about a country's sovereignty over land, but of knowledge. The international exchange of security information is a challenge to human rights of Australian citizens yet to be grappled with.

Consequently, it is not in the interests of the Australian or US intelligence community for any public or even parliamentary discussion. The idea that the parliament and executive are in total control of government is a myth.

Through technology and its innovative applications, the concept of privacy has been reframed to the point of anything a person does outside of the home or on a computer is public domain, captured through any of the large array of assets that can be utilized for surveillance.

This has allowed the creation of a new premise that has grown up through the administrative arm of the Australian Government. One of compliance. Australia seems to have adopted an almost fanatical compliance culture where the administrators believe that they are the natural custodians of Australia's security interests, over the temporarily elected politicians of the day.

Some of the methods the Australian security state utilizes for intelligence gathering, storing, and collation are well documented and summarized below:

         With a strong public backlash against the development of a national identity card system in 1986, the Australian Taxation Office (ATO) developed the tax file number system as an alternative. A tax file number is necessary for anybody to be employed, claim social security benefits, and open a bank account, etc. As computer technology, data storage became more efficient, and data management and communications systems improved, a national government database was developed.

Australia is considered a world leader in the use of technology in government administration. The Australian Government database is a highly sophisticated group of electronic document and records management system(s) (EDRMS) for collating, storing, and matching data between various agencies and levels of government on citizens. Consequently data collected by the Australian Taxation Office (ATO), social security (Centrelink), Medicare, immigration, customs, and police enforcement agencies are integrated with relational databases and query systems. This is supplemented by individual agency databases with extremely detailed information on citizens. They carry an almost complete personal history of residential details going back decades, income, occupation, spouses, children, social security benefits, medical, and travel information, etc. These systems can be accessed by almost anybody within the public service. Every agency within the government has become part of the intelligence collection network.


According to academics
Paul Henman and Greg Marston of the University of Queensland, these systems that enable agencies to determine client eligibility for services are highly intrusive and used with a prevailing deep suspicion of citizens in regards to their continuing eligibility for services.

         The most recent revelations in the news about the 'five eye' countries  eavesdropping on their citizens phone conversations, emails, and other electronic communications has been astounding. Through meta-data collection systems like PRISM and ECHELON are highly likely to be also operating within Australia due to the close relationship between the NSA and Australian intelligence community. According to AFP assistant commissioner Neil Gaughan, Australian intelligence has a much better relationship with the telecommunications companies than the US intelligence agencies. However this doesn't appear to be a new occurrence. A reliable source working within one of the Australian telephone companies when manual exchanges were operating confirmed that ASIO and state special branches had secret rooms within the exchanges to run phone tapping operations.

The
relatively high number of requests from Australia's security agencies for user information from internet companies like Google compared to other countries indicate that the Australian agencies are one of the most active in the western liberal democratic world when it comes to surveillance of its own citizens.

         The NSW police are using an Automated Number Plate Recognition (ANPR) system which takes continuous snapshots of car number plates.  This is supplemented by tracking cars when they go through tolls.

         Law enforcement agencies have announced that they arepreparing to utilize drones for crime surveillance in the not too distant future.

         State and Federal Governments have been encouraging citizens to inform on other citizens they suspect of Breaking the law. Although "dobbing" is culturally considered very un-Australian, government campaigns have been very successful in achieving all-time high numbers of  informants in crime, social security, and taxation related matters.

The incredible power of the above described databases are exponentially enhanced when coupled with recent developments in cellular, RFID, internet, and other computer technologies. When private data in retail, banking, travel, health and insurance, etc., is linked to Intelligence collected by government, the value of data becomes massively enriched. Data collected by private organizations and utilized by security services include:

         The internet domain is under constant surveillance. Companies like Google, Yahoo, Facebook, and twitter utilize tracking cookies to gather data on users. Australian security agencies employ private contractors like the National Open Source Intelligence Centre (NOSIC) to monitor, collate, and report on publically accessible information about individuals and organizations. 

         Many business organizations such as shopping centres and banks now utilize CCTV. These assets can be utilized by security organizations to track and monitor individuals. This is now being supplemented with media access control (MAC) systems which can track smartphones. This technology is already being used in three Westfield shopping centres.

         Numerous private databases like electronic tenancy database which has detailed information. These include tenancy history, insurance company records that detail individuals insured assets, bank records, and university records. These  can all be accessed by security agencies.

         Mobile phones can be used as a means to track people through inbuilt GPS on smartphones, triangulation, or through electronic data-collectors designed to identify individual mobile phones in public places.

         People's purchase history and movements can be tracked through the use of credit, debit, and loyalty card purchases.

Each piece of data in isolation can only provide a limited profile of any individual. However the power of information technology today is being able to collate, merge, and combine separate pieces of information so that a full and rich profile of any individual can be developed.

Emails, phones calls, places people go, and purchase history, in the context of other data collected has the latent potential to build up a profile on anybody. Data from social media like Facebook can enhance these profiles greatly by adding thought and behavior information. It's the collection of small bits of information that can be collated into big pictures. Australian intelligence can retro-actively analyse anybody with the data they have access to.

Since 2007, when amendments to the Telecommunications (Interception & Access) Act 1974 were made during the last days of the Howard Government, government agencies have the power to search meta-data without the individual's knowledge or any warrant.

CCTV cameras have been installed in many communities without the development of privacy policies on how they should be used. The law has yet to catch up with the ability to collect data.

Up until the 1980's most intelligence gathering was targeted monitoring of specific groups where 'persons of interest' were identified for intensive surveillance. ASIO and state special branches were videotaping activists primarily from the 'left'. Trade unionists, human rights activists, ethnic community groups, religious leaders, and even governors were targets. Surveillance was undertaken by ASIO and state special branches, where operatives used electronic means for eavesdropping, keeping index cards and files on 'persons of interest', recording mainly hearsay information.

Government databases were agency based and most often localized with little or no connection to larger databases. Cross referencing people on these various databases was extremely time consuming and very difficult.

Even then,
red flags emerged. Peter Grabosky of the Australian Bureau of Criminology pointed out that 'thought and discussion of public issues may be suppressed......and....excess use of (surveillance) may inhibit democratic and political freedom more subtly'. In addition, he believed that malicious accusations made from erroneous records produce false information which made innocent people suffer at the hands of the security agencies.

This problem can't be corrected as these records are not assessable to be corrected for errors. The Mohamed Haneef arrest by the AFP in July 2007 where it was alleged he was connected with a terrorist cell in the UK, but later
exonerated, hints at the security services being very territorial and 'out of control', where ASIO knew of Dr. Haneef's innocence but didn't advise the APF.

Faceless bureaucrats are the ones defining who are the enemies of the state. There appears to be a general inability to discriminate between healthy dissent in a political democracy and subversion.

Where no tangible threats existed to national security, lesser ones were perceived to be grave threats or even invented - remember "weapons of mass destruction" in Iraq. There seems to be an impulse by those within the security services to justify their existence and perpetuate what they are doing. What-more, they don't see themselves responsible to the elected government of the day, but rather loyal to "The Crown". This encouraged an attitude intelligence operatives feel they are not accountable for their actions to the executive of the day.

The rise of surveillance should not be understood as purely a technological development. It should be seen as a broader economic, social, and political paradigm shift within society where the balance of power has shifted away from the people and towards the state. There also appears to be a shift of power away from executive government towards an unelected bureaucracy. What makes this even more perplexing is that we don't even know who these people really are.

With a history of security bungles, how wide are abuses of power by the Australian Security Apparatus? The Australian Security Intelligence Organization (ASIO) was caught tapping the phones of ordinary and unsuspecting Australians by the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security. No one knows how wide these abuses really are.

The Age and Sydney Morning Herald just ran a story that intelligence data was
passed on to assist the mining giant BHP. Moreover, the human rights website WEBMOBILIZE alleges in a recent article that the Australian security apparatus is being used to steal intellectual property from companies and passing it over illegally to competitors. Some of the organizations that have been alleged to receive unlawfully gained IP include the University of Melbourne, Ageis Media, Telstra, Sensis, Deakin University, Belgravia Health and Business Group, Channel Nine, Nine Entertainment, Nine MSN, Corporate health management, Fairfax media, the Herald Sun, The Guardian, Nintendo, and the Australian Labor Party (ALP)and Liberal National Party (LNP). This interlinked relationship between private corporations and the intelligence agencies is allowing some corporations to benefit over others illegally, subsidized by taxpayer dollars.

There has been little in the way of public debate, nor much concern shown by the major political parties. The issues raised by surveillance, now on the Orwellian scale in Australia, are concerning as they are operating at a much higher magnitude than any other liberal democracy.

The powers to detain anyone under section 34D of the Australian Security Intelligence Organization Act 1979 for up to seven days without the right to reveal their detention, resembles the mechanisms of a police state. 

The Australian Government collects more information on its citizens than the East German Stasi did on its citizens during the cold war.

As Eric Schmidt of Google says "surveillance is just part of society now". Surveillance is not something external to the individual anymore. We actually live within the "matrix" of surveillance of which we cannot escape.

With an
annual growth rate of more than 20% and budget of over $4 Billion p.a., ASIO has a new $500 Million building in Canberra and a secret data storage facility is being built at the HMAS Harman Naval Base, near Canberra, where details are except from public account committees. When other government programs are being cut, the deep philosophical question of why there is a need to continue the increase of funding for surveillance of the nation's citizens requires national discussion.

Mass surveillance doesn't seem to have much to do with terrorism as it has to do with keeping check on what people are doing. It seems to be more of an intimidating compliance mechanism, aimed at protecting public revenue, preventing and detecting crime,  tax evasion, and fraud.

The rapid increase in staff within ASIO from 618 in 2000 to 1860 in 2010 has meant that the organization now primarily relies upon young and inexperienced analysts in their 20s and 30s. This means that Australia is at the mercy of a "Gen Y" culture that has grown up connected to the cyber world where a sense of privacy is very different to generation before them. Newly uncovered evidence suggests that ASIO has gone to great lengths to
spy on people who have broken no laws.

Through Australia's history Australian Security Agencies have blundered in the assessments they have made on many issues. The 2004 Flood report commenting on the
"failure of intelligence" on Iraq stated that these weaknesses included "a failure to rigorously challenge preconceptions", and the absence of a "consistent and rigorous culture of challenge to and engagement with intelligence reports". Flood found an inconsistency in assessments and very shallow analytical abilities within the security agencies he examined. On many occasions, particularly during the Howard years, intelligence analysis was 'bastardized" by political agenda.  Those who criticized the political agenda ran the risk of being reframed from dissidents and classed as deviants who came under security surveillance.

The question here, can government with a long history of cover-ups be trusted?

The dream of a fair, just, and equitable Australian society where sovereignty is in the hands of its citizens may be one of the greatest myths. Australia's surveillance on its own has eaten into and taken away many of the rights and liberties of Australians, turning society into one of mistrust.

The growth of domestic intelligence gathering we see today is almost irreversible which hints at some form of "Animal Farm" leadership who is defining what our "truths" are. An important question here is who is actually doing this, if it is not our elected politicians?

This cannot be really satisfactorily answered relying only on public domain knowledge. We can only make guesses. However one undeniable fact is that there is presently a hidden and totally unaccountable part of government that is changing the nature of society. It is here where no media organizations are asking any questions.

Until this question is answered we are living in an illusion about what our society really is.

We have entered into a new period of governance. We are now in an age of governance by surveillance of the masses by a few unknown elite and unaccountable people. Communist totalitarianism may have collapsed in Europe in 1991 with the fall of the Soviet Union, but the "free world's" version of surveillance and intelligence would have made Stalin, Honecker, and Ceauşescu very jealous.

The lack of transparency is becoming indefensible. Without scrutiny the Australian security apparatus is the loose cannon of the Bureaucracy which will cause many reverberations like the destruction of peoples' livelihoods through IP theft, or the ruining of peoples' reputations through persecution.

There has never been a public mandate for the development of such an extensive surveillance program. Is the money being spent justified?



Has an 'out of control' intelligence community compromised 'Australia in the Asian Century'?

Murray Hunter

 

Murray HunterOver the last week the German newspaper Der Spiegel and Sydney Morning Herald disclosed that the Australian Government was carrying out electronic surveillance and eavesdropping on phone and internet communications. The security organization Australian Signals Directorate (ASD) concealed special electronic equipment within the Australian High Commissions in Kuala Lumpur and Port Moresby, PNG, and embassies in Bangkok, Beijing, Dili, Jakarta, and Hanoi,  based upon information released by intelligence whistleblower Edward Snowden and a former Australian intelligence officer.

Although these revelations are not new and have most probably already been suspected by the host governments concerned, the exposing of espionage activities from Australia's diplomatic missions have caused the Australian Government great embarrassment which will potentially strain relations within the region for years to come. So far the only comment that has come from a "shell shocked" Abbott Government was from foreign Minister Julie Bishop who said that "it was not policy of the Australian Government to comment on intelligent matters", hardly sufficient to placate some very angry governments within the region.

Ms. Bishop certainly has a good cause for concern because last week's revelations according to other documentation and former Australian diplomats are only the tip of the iceberg.

Australia has been collecting intelligence in the South-East Asian region for decades through a multitude of methods from a large array of facilities. In addition to the electronic surveillance activities revealed last week, Australian operatives stationed under diplomatic cover across diplomatic missions in the region carry out continuous 'on the ground' Humint (human intelligence) operations.

Australia has developed a very complex intelligence structure, similar to the US. In addition to a number of data analysis groups like the Office of National Assessments (ONA)  and Defence Intelligence organization (DIO), under the Defence Intelligence and Security Group; a number of data collecting and operational agencies carry out surveillance and covert operations around the world. These include the Australian Signals Directorate (ASD) which was said to be the agency responsible for eavesdropping from Australian diplomatic missions. In addition, the Defence Imagery and Geospatial Organization (DIGO) is responsible for imagery intelligence collection. Under the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) is the Australian Secret Intelligence Service (ASIS) which carries out overseas intelligence gathering and operations. Under the Australian Parliament and responsible to the Attorney General is the Australian Security Intelligence Agency (ASIO) which looks after Australia's internal national security through surveillance, data collection and analysis of threats to Australian interests both domestically and overseas. A host of other agencies with various functions also exist.

Since the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the US, the Australian intelligence community has been considered an equal partner with the US and operate almost in a totally integrated fashion. There are a number of important facilities on Australian territory which make important contributions to the NSA network. The Australian Signals Directorate (ASD) as well as using diplomatic missions to collect telephone and internet data under a program called STATEROOM, a term referring to covert signals-intelligence gathering bases hidden in diplomatic missions, has a number of dedicated signals collection facilities in Australia. Intelligence operatives are placed within the technical side of these firms with access to data, where X-Keystone is in operation.

Pine Gap just around 20 KMs from Alice Springs in the Northern Territory is a joint facility responsible for signals collection. Here the ECHELON software undertakes a meta-collection of phone, fax, email and other data traffic from satellite transmissions, public switched phone networks and microwave signals. This data is screened for pre-programmed keywords. and is linked to the British eavesdropping facility at Menwith Hill and a chain of other intercepting facilities around the world. Pine Gap collected important intelligence during the Indo-China conflicts on North Vietnam, the Laotian Pathet Lao, and the Cambodian Khmer Rouge during the 1970s and 80s. The facility also played a significant role in the Gulf Wars and Afghanistan campaigns. After 9/11 there has been a focus on the collection of intelligence on terrorism suspects. Through combining imagery with radio and mobile phone transmissions, potential targets can be pinpointed for drone strikes. This information is fed to the US Drone Strike Program.

Pine gap is also part of the X-Keystone network collecting and analysing online data. Access to  Pine Gap is so important to the US because many of its spy satellites are controlled from this facility, and houses an early missile launch detection system.

A satellite communications facility at Kojarena, near Geraldton, Western Australia is responsible for intercepting signals and mobile phone communications from China, Russia, Japan, India, and Pakistan through a regional satellite network. Another satellite station at Shoal Bay in the Northern Territory focuses primarily on intercepting Indonesian phone communications and military signals. This facility was instrumental in monitoring East Timor in 1999 during the referendum for independence.

There is a small remotely controlled facility on Cocos Islands also used for signals collection, which feeds into the ASD headquarters at Russell Hill in Canberra. The Washington Post reports that the Cocos Islands is now an important base in South China Sea surveillance as a counter to Chinese presence. Former Australian Defence Minister Stephen Smith last year announced that Cocos Islands might be used for US drone flights over the South China Sea. These activities suggest that China is the main surveillance target, even though Australia's latest Defence Policy White Paper stated otherwise.  

Australia has also developed a listening post connected to major undersea communication cables that carry voice and internet traffic between the US and Asia, an action far beyond any legislative authority.

Several years ago some Australian members of parliament were given a security briefing where a video conference intercept of two of the most senior Malaysian military commanders was proudly shown to demonstrate Australia's electronic surveillance abilities, where it implied the ability to access some of the most sensitive military and diplomatic communications in the region. Speculation exists that Australia regularly intercepts Indonesian President Susilo Bambamg Yudhoyono's and other high ranking officials mobile phone conversations. Australia has been regularly reading Indonesian diplomatic traffic since the 1950s, which played an important role in what helped the US undermine the Sukarno regime and install Suharto as President back in 1995.

The above data collection system is supplemented with extremely good working relationships with communications companies like Foxtel, Macquarie, Telecom, and Optus, as well as the major computer and internet companies like Microsoft, Apple, Google, Verizon, Yahoo, Facebook, and Twitter. Similar links also exist with banks and credit card providers. Data from these sources is screened through the meta-data collection system PRISM according to Wayne Madsen of the Strategic Culture Centre.

Perhaps even more disturbing than electronic surveillance exposed by Edward Snowden are the HUMINT activities undertaken by Australian operatives under diplomatic cover at Australian missions abroad. According to a retired senior diplomatic official previously stationed in Moscow and Jakarta and an Australian Federal Police (AFP) officer once stationed in Kuala Lumpur, a large array of human intelligence is collected and operations undertaken from these clandestine groups within diplomatic missions. Each group operating from a diplomatic mission would include operatives from ASIO, ASIS, the AFP, the Defense Intelligence Group, the Australian Taxation Office (ATO), military attachés, and the Department of Immigration and Border Protection. These operatives are concerned with both Australian and foreign nationals in the areas of business activities, money laundering, counterfeiting, identity theft, tax evasion, narcotics, human trafficking, arms trading, pedophilia, terrorism, general criminal activities, and anything considered important to the interests of Australia. Greatly improved signals collection technology has allowed for larger deployment in HUMINT activities. In addition, some work is sub-contracted to 'CIA friendly' companies like VFS Global which collect and process visa applications on behalf of the "UKUSA" security collaborating countries of UK, USA, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand.  VFS has a proprietary client profiling system which assists on creating databases on "persons of interest".

Not all activities are aimed at the host governments the diplomatic missions are operating within. A large proportion of time is spent by these clandestine groups monitoring the personal of other diplomatic missions of interest. For example Australian intelligence is interested in what the trade officials of the Chinese Embassy are doing in Jakarta, Bangkok, Hanoi, and Kuala Lumpur, etc.

Other priorities include the surveillance of Australian citizens abroad which an agency may have an interest in. Over the last decade the intelligence services have become much more interested in criminal intelligence where a formal network of transnational Crime Units (TCU) have been set up across the Pacific in the Cook Islands, Fiji, Kiribati, Micronesia, Pulau, Niue, Solomon Islands, Tonga, PNG, and Vanuatu. This is coordinated by the Pacific Transnational Crime Coordination Centre (PTCCC) located in Apia, Samoa. The Transnational Crime Units assist the Australian Transaction Reports and Analysis centre (AUSTRAC) track the financial transactions of Australian citizens and corporations both home and abroad.

The CIA, NSA and other partner intelligence agencies are now primarily focused upon economic, business, industrial, trade, and political data collection. This information is vitally important in trade negotiations and shaping the future finance-scape of the region, particularly with the US aspiration of forming the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Asian pivot as a counter to Chinese growth of influence across the Asian region. Former CIA operative Philip Agee in an interview before his death in 2008 confirmed that much of the information collected by intelligence is used to assist US multinationals rather than for national security purposes. Another former Australian intelligence officer said that the data collected had very little to do with 'the war on terror', but tended to be political, diplomatic, and commercial in nature. Australia is sometimes placed in the position where it collects intelligence which is used for the interests of the US over the interests of Australia, particularly n the commercial area. Australia's poor showing in gaining commercial contracts after the Iraqi invasion could be seen as testimony to this.  

Ironically Australia is cutting its foreign aid budget by AUD 4.5 Billion over the next 4 years, while at the same time increasing its intelligence budget. This is not a good message to be sending out to the region if sincere and open engagement is truly sort by the Abbott Government. Asia is judging Australia by its actions, not rhetoric, and there appears to be a massive failure which the Abbott Government must quickly react to, if Australia's interests are to be safeguarded.

This means turning inward onto the security agencies themselves. There have been allegations that Australian surveillance services are 'out of control' and unaccountable, where laws are regularly flouted while it is keeping track on both Australian and foreign citizens. There have been allegations that ASIS tried to destabilize the Aquino Government in the Philippines during the 1980s. There have been allegations that ASIS assisted MI6 to protect British interests in Hong Kong and Kuwait, potentially to the detriment of Australian interests. There have been accusations that ASIS deliberately lied to the then Prime Minister Gough Whitlam about covert operations in Chile during the early 1970s, when ordered to stop. Numerous Royal Commissions and inquiries have not seemed to have solved these problems.

Now the security agencies have damaged Australia's relations with its neighbors, trading partners, and friends to the point where it could take many years to repair. Taking advantage of diplomatic immunity to collect intelligence could be akin to a partner being unfaithful and meet with the expected anger and emotions.

One of the collateral effects of this scandal is that Australia have been found not to be true to its own democratic ideals. It has been found wanting, by disregarding its own policies, if not its own laws. This is not to mention the moral position Australia is in through its facilitation of target information for US drone strikes which many consider war crimes.

The prevailing attitude within the Australian Intelligence community that it is not accountable to temporary holders of public office must be knocked on the head with a thorough clean out of personal, if any creditability is going to be salvaged with its neighbors. Resignations must be forthcoming in the national interest.

Australia must be prepared for a strong backlash in Asia where Australia is now seen as being blindly aligned with US security interests, and thus "Australia is not of the region" but some alien small time treacherous power and therefore unwelcome in the region as a partner for the future. That is what the "intelligence Tai Pans" have done for Australia, cowardly hiding behind legislative protection of their identities. Australia's whole diplomatic service is in disrepute unless massive resignations quickly occur.

Finally, from the geo-political perspective, the Der Spiegel and Sydney Morning Herald reports came at a time when Obama's "no show" in the region for the Bali and Brunei Summits gave Russian Premier Putin and more so Chinese Premier Xi Jinpeng uncontested market-space to win the 'hearts and minds' of the regions leaders.

We may be watching a great shift in regional influence where Australia may miss the boat.



04
.11.2013



PUBLICATIONS:


      Malaysia: Why the Pakatan Rakyat does not deserve to be the Federal Government - Murray Hunter


     
The Australian security state is collecting intelligence on an Orwellian scale never seen before
- Murray Hunter

     
Has an 'out of control' intelligence community compromised 'Australia in the Asian Century'?-Murray Hunter

     
The European Court of Justice
of Human Rights and Bosnia

     
The Australian Government's new stance on human rights?
- Murray Hunter

      NATO rejects Bosnia and Herzegovina due to Russia's influence - Bakhtyar Aljaf

      The immorality of Australia's prostitution laws
- Murray Hunter

     
Australian Election: Abbott as PM may surprise everyone
- Murray Hunter

      Malaysia: Desperately needing a new national narrative - Murray Hunter

      One Man's view of the world and a thousand faceless men: Singapore's cadre system - Murray Hunter


      How important is the Australian Election? - Murray Hunter

      El Indio: Seeking Symmetry - By Jamil Maidan Flores

    
 
Australian Immigration - the Snowden link? - Murray Hunter

      Sarawak Reenacts Independence from Britain 50 years Ago -Murray Hunter

      The return of Kevin Rudd as Australian PM: For how long? - Murray Hunter

      Reinvigorating Rural Malaysia - New Paradigms Needed - Murray Hunter

      Can there be a National Unity Government in Malaysia? - Murray Hunter

      Will Australian Labor Remain Principled and fall on its own Sword? - Murray Hunter

      Finding a long term solution in the 'Deep South' of Thailand - Murray Hunter

      Islamic Freedom in ASEAN - Murray Hunter
  
      Multiculturalism is dead in Europe – MENA oil and the (hidden) political price Europe pays for it - Author: Anis Bajrektarevic

      Malaysia: It was Never About the Election It was always about what would happen afterwards - Murray Hunter

      Enriching the Sustainability Paradigm - Murray Hunter
 
      Does Australia's 2013 Defence White Paper Signal a Strategic Withdraw? - Murray Hunter

      Where is Saudi Arabian Society Heading? - Abdullah Abdul Elah Ali Sallam & Murray Hunter University Malaysia Perlis

      Critical Similarities and Differences in SS of Asia and Europe - Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic

      Searching for an end game in the Korean Crisis - Murray Hunter

      Turks suspicious towards German Government - Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann

      The high Australian Dollar: Whose interests is the Reserve Bank of Australia looking after? - Murray Hunter

      Is Secretary Kerry's trip to China a "face saving" measure? - Murray Hunter

      Asia-Pacific at the Crossroads - The Implications for Australian Strategic Defense Policy - Murray Hunter

      Obama's Korean Peninsula "Game" Strategy seeks to achieve a wide range of objectives in his "Asian Pivot" - Murray Hunter

      Institute for the research of genocide - IGC Letter Regarding Vuk Jeremic Agenda in UN

      Who rules Singapore? - The only true mercantile state in the world - Murray Hunter

      The Thai Deep South: Both Malaysia and Thailand Desperately Seeking Success - Murray Hunter

      The desperate plight of Islamic education in Southern Thailand - Murray Hunte

      Who makes public policy in Malaysia? - Murray Hunter

      MENA Saga and Lady Gaga - (Same dilemma from the MENA) - Anis H. Bajrektarevic

      Australia's National Security Paper: Did it amount to lost opportunities? The policy you have when you don't have a policy - Murray Hunter

      Are "B" Schools in Developing Countries infatuated with 'Western' Management ideas? - Murray Hunter

      The Stages of Economic Development from an Opportunity Perspective: Rostow Extended - Murray Hunter

     
Who Really Rules Australia?: A tragic tale of the Australian People - Murray Hunter

      Europe: Something Old, Something New, Something Borrowed, and Something Blue - Murray Hunter

      Back to the future: Australia's "Pacific Solution" reprise - Murray Hunter

      Hillary to Julia "You take India and I'll take Pakistan", while an ex-Aussie PM says "Enough is enough with the US" - Murray Hunter

     
Entrepreneurship and economic growth? South-East Asian governments are developing policy on the misconception that entrepreneurship creates economic growth. - Murray Hunter

     
FOCUSING ON MENACING MIDDLE EAST GEOPOLITICAL ENVIRONMENTS, ENDANGERING SECURITY AND STABILITY OF WESTERN BALKAN* - Brig Gen (Rtd) Dr. Muhammad Aslam Khan, Pakistan

     
Australia "Do as I say, not as I do" - The ongoing RBA bribery scandal - Murray Hunter

      Australia in the "Asian Century" or is it Lost in Asia? - Murray Hunter

      Surprise, surprise: An Islam economy can be innovative - Murray Hunter

      Do Asian Management Paradigms Exist? A look at four theoretical frames - Murray Hunter

      What China wants in Asia: 1975 or 1908 ? – addendum - prof. dr. Anis Bajraktarević

     
ASEAN Nations need indigenous innovation to transform their economies but are doing little about it. - Murray Hunter

      From Europe, to the US, Japan, and onto China: The evolution of the automobile - Murray Hunter

      Missed Opportunities for ASEAN if the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) fails to start up in 2015 - Murray Hunter

      Lessons from the Invention of the airplane and the Beginning of the Aviation Era - Murray Hunter

      Elite educators idolize the “ high flying entrepreneurs” while deluded about the realities of entrepreneurship for the masses: - Murray Hunter

      The Arrival of Petroleum, Rockefeller, and the Lessons He taught Us - Murray Hunter - University Malaysia Perlis

      Ethics, Sustainability and the New Realities - Murray Hunter

      The Dominance of “Western” Management Theories in South-East Asian Business Schools: The occidental colonization of the mind. - Murray Hunter

      How feudalism hinders community transformation and economic evolution: Isn’t equal opportunity a basic human right? - Murray Hunter

      On Some of the Misconceptions about Entrepreneurship - Murray Hunter

      Knowledge, Understanding and the God Paradigm - Murray Hunter

      Do Confucian Principled Businesses Exist in Asia? - Murray Hunter

      Samsara and the Organization - Murray Hunter

     
Integrating the philosophy of Tawhid – an Islamic approach to organization. - Murray Hunter

      What’s with all the hype – a look at aspirational marketing - Murray Hunter

      Does Intrapreneurship exist in Asia? - Murray Hunter

      One Man, Multiple Inventions: The lessons and legacies of Thomas Edison - Murray Hunter

     People tend to start businesses for the wrong reasons - Murray Hunter

     How emotions influence, how we see the world? - Murray Hunter

     How we create new ideas - Murray Hunter

     Where do entrepreneurial opportunities come from? - Murray Hunter

     The five types of thinking we use - Murray Hunter

     Evaluating Entrepreneurial Opportunities: What’s wrong with SWOT? - Murray Hunter

     How motivation really works - Murray Hunter

     The Evolution of Business Strategy - Murray Hunter

     Not all opportunities are the same: A look at the four types of entrepreneurial opportunity - Murray Hunter

     Do we have a creative intelligence? - Murray Hunter

     Imagination may be more important than knowledge: The eight types of imagination we use - Murray Hunter

    
The environment as a multi-dimensional system: Taking off your rose coloured glasses - Murray Hunter

     Generational Attitudes and Behaviour - Murray Hunter

     Groupthink may still be a hazard to your organization - Murray Hunter

  
  Perpetual Self conflict: Self awareness as a key to our ethical drive, personal mastery, and perception of entrepreneurial opportunities - Murray Hunter

     The Continuum of Psychotic Organisational Typologies - Murray Hunter

    
There is no such person as an entrepreneur, just a person who acts entrepreneurially - Murray Hunter

     Go Home, Occupy Movement!!-(The McFB– Was Ist Das?) - prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic

     Diplomatie préventive - Aucun siècle Asiatique sans l’institution pan-Asiatique - prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic

    
Democide Mass-Murder and the New World Order - Paul Adams


 






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BALKAN AREA
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prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic
prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic


 
MENA Saga and Lady Gaga - (Same dilemma from the MENA) - Anis H. Bajrektarevic



Go Home, Occupy Movement!! - (The McFB – Was Ist Das?) -
prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic




Diplomatie préventive - Aucun sičcle Asiatique sans l’institution pan-Asiatique - prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic\/span|



ADDENDUM – GREEN/POLICY PAPER: TOWARDS THE CREATION OF THE OSCE TASK FORCE ON (THE FUTURE OF) HUMAN CAPITAL
prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic




Gunboat Diplomacy in the South China Sea – Chinese strategic mistake -
Anis H. Bajrektarevic




Geopolitics of Quantum Buddhism: Our Pre-Hydrocarbon Tao Future
prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic




The Mexico-held G–20 voices its concerns over the situation in the EURO zone - Anis H. Bajrektarevic



What China wants in Asia: 1975 or 1908 ? – addendum - prof. dr. Anis Bajraktarević











‘The exhaustion of Greek political system and a society in flames’ - by Dimitra Karantzen





Maasmechelen Village




Maasmechelen Village



FOCUSING ON MENACING MIDDLE EAST GEOPOLITICAL ENVIRONMENTS, ENDANGERING SECURITY AND STABILITY OF WESTERN BALKAN* - Brig Gen (Rtd) Dr. Muhammad Aslam Khan, Pakistan



Institute for the research of genocide - IGC Letter Regarding Vuk Jeremic Agenda in UN



Critical Similarities and Differences in SS of Asia and Europe - Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic







MENA Saga and Lady Gaga - (Same dilemma from the MENA) - Anis H. Bajrektarevic



Le MENA Saga et Lady Gaga - (Même dilemme de la région MOAN) - Anis Bajrektarevic